Hugo Magnus opens his study not with a catalogue of folk remedies but with a structural claim: the history of medicine is 'closely interlinked with the development of theology.' The book proceeds to examine medical superstition as a persistent intellectual current, not a mere collection of errors. Magnus organizes his argument around the forces that shaped superstition—theism, philosophy, natural science, and medicine itself—rather than presenting a chronological survey. The translator, Julius L. Salinger, adds a final chapter on insanity, noting that the work is 'not a criticism of a system, but a criticism of man.'

Theism and the Demonological Framework

Magnus argues that early Christianity absorbed ancient demonology without modification, adopting the same medical notions as paganism. He points to the New Testament's numerous examples of demons causing bodily ailments and notes that Church Fathers like Justin Martyr and Tatian explicitly acknowledged demonic causation. The text traces how this belief persisted, with Magnus observing that 'the last great system into which the ancient philosophy developed'—Neo-Platonism—'was attended by the unfortunate result of a very material increase of superstition in the healing art.' The section draws a direct line from pagan demonology to Christian practice, emphasizing continuity rather than rupture.

Neo-Platonist Miracle Workers

Magnus provides specific examples of Neo-Platonist figures who practiced magical healing. Plotinus, 'one of the most gifted of the Neo-Platonic school,' is described as curing the dying Porphyrius through magic words and 'mysterious figures.' Porphyrius himself claimed that demons taught him to expel pathogenic spirits using 'Chaldean and Hebrew words and songs.' The philosopher Alexander of Abonoteichos proposed affixing a sentence to doors to check a pestilence: 'Phœbus, the hair unshorn, dispels the clouds of disease.' These episodes illustrate how leading intellectuals, not just minor practitioners, preferred magical formulæ to medical methods.

Nomenclature and the Pharmacopœia

Magnus notes that physicians adopted bombastic names for plasters, ointments, powders, and pills, a practice he traces to Neo-Platonist influence. He cites Galen's disapproval of the preference for 'Egyptian and Babylonian expressions' in medical nomenclature. The text suggests that this linguistic superstition—the belief that exotic names carried therapeutic power—was widespread and persistent. Magnus uses the pharmacopœia as evidence of how superstition infiltrated everyday medical practice, not just theoretical frameworks.

The Translator's Addition: Insanity

Salinger's final chapter, added 'as it seemed necessary for the full discussion of the subject,' extends Magnus's analysis to mental illness. The preface frames the entire work as a historical depiction of 'the belief of the people existing in these periods,' and the inclusion of insanity suggests that medical superstition was not limited to physical ailments. The translator's intervention underscores the book's dual authorship: Magnus provides the historical structure, while Salinger adapts it for an English-speaking audience, adding contemporary relevance without altering the original's critical stance.

Readers should attend to the way Magnus moves between intellectual history and concrete anecdote—the circle of Petosiris, the Table of Democritus, and the zodiacal venesection charts are not mere illustrations but evidence of how abstract beliefs became material practices. The book rewards those who follow its argumentative structure rather than treating it as an encyclopedia of oddities.